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The TFG Cabinet’s views on extension for
the TFIs
A delegation from the
TFG Council of Ministers, led by Somalia’s Deputy Prime Minister and
Foreign Minister, Abdillahi Omar, is currently visiting IGAD member
states to discuss the issue of an extension of the TFG’s mandate.
The suggestion is that the election of the leadership of the TFIs,
including the offices of President, the Speaker and his deputies
should be deferred for a year. This extension should also cover the
present Council of Ministers. The TFG transitional period ends
officially and legally on August 20th this year. Earlier
the Somali Parliament decided to extend the term of office of the
Parliament for three years from August 2011 to August 2014, and to
elect the President, the Speaker and his deputies before August 20th.
This decision was based on the constitutional requirement that any
extension of the term of the TFG Parliament had to be made before
February 20th if the Parliament was to retain its mandate
and authority in accordance with Transitional Federal Charter.
According to the
ministerial delegation the Transitional Federal Government of
Somalia aims to achieve the political and security stability
necessary to complete the transitional tasks and establish the rule
of law as well as the reform of the TFI's to move Somalia to post
transitional permanent government. The delegation said it was the
government’s intent to see Somalia unified again under an agreed
national Federal Constitution approved through a public referendum.
The delegation therefore
proposed the adoption of the three year extension period passed by
Parliament as the basis for extending the term of all the
Transitional Federal Institutions until August 2012. It suggested
the election for the posts of the Speaker, his deputies and the
President of the Republic should take place in July and August 2012.
According to the delegation, this would give legitimacy to the TFG
and its institutions. It urged all stakeholders to support its
proposal as the platform to launch the urgent action needed to
liberate and rebuild Somalia on a unified and consultative basis.
IGAD of course discussed the situation in Somalia at Summit level
earlier, and came to the conclusion that the Parliament needed to
extend its term of office, given the realities on the ground and the
need to avoid a vacuum in Somalia. It accepted that the remaining
political dispensations should be determined by the Somalis
themselves. IGAD’s views were subsequently endorsed by the AU Summit
in January this year.
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AMISOM, IGAD and UNPOS
adopt a Joint Strategy
At their latest monthly coordination meeting, AMISOM, IGAD and UNPOS
adopted a Joint Regional Strategy (JRS) to support the Transitional
Federal Government (TFG) of Somalia in the management of the
transition period. This follows from the Memorandum of Understanding
(MOU), signed by the three bodies, to encourage and enhance
consultations, coordination and harmonization of all activities
between themselves. Elements of the MOU require that the three
organizations exchange information on all the activities relevant to
the maintenance and promotion of peace, security and stability in
Somalia; promote closer partnerships among themselves in these
efforts as well as increasing coordination of their activities;
develop and implement, where applicable, joint programs in the areas
of peace, security and stability and for the establishment of
effective government institutions in Somalia. Equally, they should
work together to avoid any duplication of their efforts; facilitate
coordination and partnership among the parties and with the
International Community; and assist each other in effective
implementation of areas of cooperation.
The Joint Regional Strategy outlines a common political, security
and humanitarian approach as well as detailing the institutional and
financial issues and challenges affecting the Somali peace process
and the management of the TFG's transition. The Principals of the
three bodies agree to increase the visibility of their partnership
through monthly joint press releases, to improve and regularize the
flow of communication and information between them as well as with
the international community and other partners, improve
consultations with IGAD ambassadors and with the African Group of
Ambassadors and deliver joint progress reports on the implementation
of the Joint Regional Strategy. In effect, the Joint Regional
Strategy will be a tool for coordination, cooperation and
information sharing between the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM),
IGAD and the UN Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS), and between
them and the international community and other partners.
Implementation arrangements will be through a unified work plan
which will detail the key activities to be undertaken by the three
organizations.
The meeting took place
as fighting increased considerably in several parts of the country,
in Belet Weyne, Gedo region and other areas as well as in Mogadishu
where TFG forces and AMISOM have recently had a number of successes,
taking over three Al-Shabaab bases in the city and inflicting
substantial casualties on Al-Shabaab. AMISOM has also been able to
break into and take over the main tunnel supply route used by Al-Shabaab
in Mogadishu, and earlier this week, Burundi troops of AMISOM took
over former Defence Ministry complex.
These advances underline the need for more immediate support from
the international community to assist the TFG in the provision of
public services in the areas now coming under its control.
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The IGAD
Partners Forum visits Hargeisa
Members of the IGAD
Partners Forum (IPF), led by the co-chairs Ethiopia and Italy, paid
a visit to Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland this week. The visit
was made in connection with the efforts of IGAD and its partners to
encourage the relative peace and stability of Somaliland and to
acknowledge the recent election in Somaliland and it’s peaceful
transfer of power. This was the first visit by the IPF to Somaliland
and members of the delegation, which was warmly received on arrival
at the Egal International Airport, held extensive discussions with
President Ahmed Mahmoud ‘Silanyo’ and members of the cabinet, as
well as the leadership of the Guurti and Parliament.
President ‘Silanyo’
welcomed the visit of the IPF delegation to Hargeisa. It was, he
said, a major departure for the international community. He
emphasized that Somaliland had been waiting for the international
community to recognize its efforts for a long time, and the visit
was one step forward in this regard. He added that the delegation
was welcome to a peaceful country where the people had built up a
nation from the ashes of war. The Chairperson of the Guurti, the
Somaliland Council of Elders, Mr. Suleiman Gaal, on behalf of both
houses of parliament, expressed his appreciation of the visit of the
IPF members. He stressed that the people of Somaliland would
continue to seek the support of the international community. In
response the IPF delegation, through its co-chair, underlined its
appreciation of the achievements of Somaliland and the development
efforts of the Somaliland people. Members of the delegation
emphasized their readiness to engage with Somaliland on how best to
contribute to these efforts. The Executive Secretary of IGAD, who
expressed his pleasure in being in Hargeisa, detailed the background
to the visit and the need to keep up the momentum to ensure
continuity and sustainability of IGAD contacts with Somaliland.
The IPF members were
given an extensive briefing by the Minister of Planning regarding
Somaliland’s vision and the development plans for rebuilding the
economy over the next two decades. The plan, prepared in
collaboration with the IGAD secretariat, is expected to move
Somaliland another step forward in strengthening its peace and
stability and its efforts to achieve statehood. The IPF delegation
also visited the port of Berbera where the port manager and other
officials gave a briefing on the activities of the port, its plans
and the support needed from the international community to improve
services.
The visit provided a
valuable opportunity for the members of the IGAD Partner’s Forum to
get direct information about developments in Somaliland and consider
alternative options for assisting the efforts of the IGAD
Secretariat in Somaliland. The IGAD Secretariat recently took over
the Sheikh Veterinary Institute which is working to develop the
capacity of IGAD member states on livestock sector development.
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Puntland President Dr. Abdurahman
‘Farole’ visits Addis Ababa
Puntland President, Dr.
Abdurahman ‘Farole’ visited Addis Ababa this week. He met and held
extensive discussions with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and Deputy
Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Ato Hailemariam Desalegn, on
current developments in Puntland as well as the recent conflict
between Puntland and Somaliland and the overall security situation
in Somalia. President Abdirahman briefed Ethiopian leaders on
developments in Puntland, its relations with the TFG, its view on
the decision of Somalia’s Transitional Federal Parliament to extend
its term of office by three years, and the way forward for Somalia.
He thanked the Ethiopian government for its continued support in the
area of security and other fields to help ensure peace and
stability.
In turn, Ethiopian
government officials briefed President Abdurahman on the view of
IGAD that the transition in Somalia in August must be achieved
without creating a vacuum. They emphasized the need to resolve
Puntland’s ongoing dispute with Somaliland through peaceful means
and peaceful means alone. They noted the absolute necessity for the
two sides to cooperate and work together as they both faced
considerable challenges from extremist elements. Ethiopia was a
friend to both administrations, and it wished to see their
differences resolved peacefully and both continue with their
reconstruction efforts to address the challenges of
under-development and poverty. It is this that would ensure peace
and stability along their common borders. It therefore suggested
that both administrations should sit down together, to resolve all
outstanding issues through dialogue. Ethiopia offered its good
offices for this purpose. Both Somaliland and Puntland have now
expressed their readiness to open discussions. The leadership of
both are fully aware that peace, stability and a readiness to
participate in dialogue are values that have kept them on different
and more peaceful trajectories than the rest of Somalia.
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LDCs and South-South Cooperation:
ministerial conference in New Delhi
Deputy Prime Minister
and Foreign Minister, Ato Hailemariam Desalegn, was in New Delhi
last week (February 18th and 19th) to attend
the India-Least Developed Countries (LDC) ministerial conference.
The theme of the conference was “Harnessing the Positive
Contribution of South-South Cooperation for Development of the Least
Developed Countries”, and it was organized to “foster and further
strengthen mutually reinforcing development partnership, solidarity
and commitment” in advance of the 4th UN-LDC Conference
due to be held in Istanbul in May. With ministers from 49 countries,
thirty three in Africa, delegates issued a Delhi Declaration calling
for the Istanbul conference to produce a plan of action for at least
50% of LDCs to reach the threshold of graduation by 2020. The
ministers noted with concern that the number of LDCs had increased
from 25 in 1971 to 48 in 2011. Indeed, India’s Minister of External
Affairs reminded the ministers that only three countries had
graduated from LDC status. The pace of progress, he said, was
unacceptable; it was time to put the cause of LDC’s “on a war
footing”.
In their declaration the
ministers itemized the key development challenges for LDCs:
addressing extreme poverty, building productive capacity, spurring
economic growth, enhancing participation in international trade and
building resilience against vulnerabilities. They underscored the
fact that the interconnected and globalized world made it essential
for the international community to give the highest priority to LDCs,
to ensure international peace, security and prosperity. Equally, the
ministers noted that the High Level UN Conference in Nairobi, the
Marrakech Framework and the Yamoussoukro Consensus created a
comprehensive basis for continuing efforts to promote South-South
cooperation. They called for an early conclusion to the Doha trade
round to allow for meaningful integration of LDCs into the world
trading network, expressed deep concern over global food security
and food price volatility, appealed for the creation of a framework
for debt sustainability, recognized the major threat of climate
change and called for the immediate disbursement of the fast start
funds agreed at Cancun to the LDCs.
In his own statement to
the conference, Ato Hailemariam pointed out that the meeting was
taking place at an historically critical period in the evolution of
South-South cooperation. Noting that India was one of the countries
in which LDCs place confidence and trust, he emphasized that LDCs
had shown over the last decade that they had the capacity to
register growth (an average GDP growth of 7% between 2002 and 2008)
though this welcome trend had, as India’s Prime Minister noted, been
halting, uneven and fragile. It had been interrupted by the recent
global food, financial and economic crises, developments over which
the LDCs had no control. Ato Hailemariam stressed that at the end of
the day LDCs, like all other countries, had to assume full
responsibility for their own development. Some indeed were doing so.
The Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister said that as Ethiopia
could witness in recent years China and India had had an enormous,
significant and positive impact in Africa. This had meant real
progress in addressing some of the major impediments to economic
development of LDCs, including low levels of productive capacity,
infrastructure, market access and food security. Africa’s
partnership with newly emerging countries in fact had opened up new
possibilities for development.
Ato Hailemariam
suggested that this was an opportune moment for the 4th
UN Conference on LDCs to put in place a new system of international
support for LDCs to assist these countries to bring about structural
transformation. There had been progress but much remained to be done
to allow LDCs to benefit from trade, FDI, development finance and
the transfer of technology available in the context of South-South
cooperation and North-South relations. It was very clear that none
of the major problems facing the world could be handled by
individual countries or even groups of countries without taking the
input of others into consideration. Climate change, for example,
required genuine international cooperation. LDCs needed the
reduction of tension and minimization of rivalry. The conference in
May would allow LDCs, in cooperation with development partners, to
chart a course for development for the next decade. It would draw up
commitments which might allow many LDCs the opportunity to graduate
from this group by the end of the decade. But it would require the
major commitment of the international community as well as the
efforts of all LDCs. It was in this spirit, he said, that Ethiopia
had embarked on a five year Growth and Transformation Plan which
depended for success upon the commitment of its entire people and
the effective cooperation of its development partners. The Deputy
Prime Minister stressed that the country was hopeful that “we would
not be disappointed”.
Meanwhile, this week, President Pratibha Patil of India announced
that the second India-Africa Forum Summit would be held in Addis
Ababa in May. As the first such initiative in Africa by India, it
was, she said, a measure of the special place Africa enjoys in the
hearts of the people of India. The first India-Africa Summit was
held in New Delhi in April 2008, and building on this in March last
year, India and Africa launched an action plan to focus on capacity
building and human resource development in Africa. Twenty one
training institutes are being set up including the India-Africa
Institute of Foreign Trade in Uganda, the India-Africa Institute of
Information Technology in Ghana, the India-Africa Diamond Institute
in Botswana and the India-Africa Institute of Education, Planning
and Administration in Burundi. India’s current level of bilateral
trade with Africa is estimated at around US$40 billion but is
expected to increase significantly after Indian companies increase
their investment as they are expected to do after the Summit in May.
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A Parliamentary delegation from Germany
A high-level German
delegation from the Budget Committee of the Federal Parliament of
Germany paid an official visit to Ethiopia from February 12th
to 16th. During their visit the delegation met with Prime
Minister, Meles Zenawi, the Chief of Staff, General Samora Yonus,
and with representatives of both Houses of Parliament.
The delegation also had
a meeting with Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Ato
Hailemariam Desalegn, on Monday, February 14th. During
extensive discussions, held in the Foreign Ministry and focusing on
wide-ranging bilateral and regional issues of mutual interest, the
Deputy Prime Minister recalled the longstanding, cordial and smooth
relations between Ethiopia and Germany. He thanked German leaders
for the interest shown in Ethiopia through repeated visits, and
noted that the bilateral cooperation has always been based on
understanding and mutual respect.
Ato Hailemariam
emphasized that current projects being undertaken with German
financial assistance in such areas as Engineering Capacity Building
(ECBP), Technical and Vocational and Educational Programs (TVET),
Sustainable Land Management (SLM) and other environmental protection
activities, were highly commendable and were major priorities for
the Ethiopian Government. He hoped they could be scaled up further.
The Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister briefed the
delegation on the Government’s commitment to realize the new five
year Growth and Transformation Plan, and he expressed his belief
that future cooperation with Germany will provide an immense
contribution to the success of the Plan. Referring to potential
investment opportunities in Ethiopia, Ato Hailemariam emphasized
that labour-intensive industrial investments in textile, leather,
cement, chemical and pharmaceutical, and agro-processing industries
were now the country’s main focus. He called on German investors to
focus more on these sectors. He also briefed the delegation on the
current political and security situation in the Horn of Africa with
particular emphasis on current developments in the Sudan.
Underlining the importance of active German participation in the
region, Ato Hailemariam urged the German Government to provide more
political, diplomatic and financial assistance as these were all
vital components to help maintain peace and security in the region.
In turn, the visiting
delegation noted that the Federal Republic of Germany and Ethiopia
had a long history of good relations and solidarity. The delegation
expressed its satisfaction with the regular political consultations
conducted by high level officials from the respective Foreign
Ministries. The delegation reiterated its readiness to continue to
support Ethiopia in the areas of education, investment promotion and
peace and security in the context of supporting Ethiopia’s effort to
realize the new five year Growth and Transformation Plan.
During its visit the
German delegation also visited the Mulugeta Buli Technical College
at Holeta which was founded 50 years ago with financial and
technical assistance from the German Government. Germany has
recently allocated close to 5 million Euros to the college’s ongoing
expansion program covering the years 2010-2012. This followed a
financing agreement signed between the college and the German
government in August last year.
The delegation met with
the Chairperson of the African Union Commission H.E. Jean Ping on
Monday, participating in the laying of the foundation stone for the
new, German financed, Peace and Security Building at the African
Union. Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Ato Hailemariam
Desalegn, attended the ceremony as a guest of honour.
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CEWARN holds a “best practices” workshop
in Hawassa
IGAD, in collaboration
with GIZ-Germany, has held a three-day dialogue workshop on “best
practices” for local response strategies to conflict at the
beginning of the week in Hawassa in the Southern Nations
Nationalities and Peoples Region. The three day meeting (20th
-22nd February) was organized by IGAD’s Conflict Early
Warning and Response Mechanism (CEWARN). It brought together
community-level peace actors as well as government and
non-government stakeholders from the cross-border areas of Djibouti,
Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda to share their views of
“best practices“ of local response strategies that have proved
successful in mitigating and preventing cross-border pastoral and
other related conflicts.
The meeting was opened
by the President of the Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples
Region, Ato Shiferaw Shegute, who stressed the importance of peace
and security for sustainable development. The President pointed out
the number of efforts being undertaken by federal and regional
institutions to develop a mechanism for early warning systems
modelled on CEWARN to prevent and address conflicts in pastoral and
other areas in a timely and effective manner. He also noted that the
government’s five-year Growth and Transformation Plan involved
significant elements devoted to improvement of the livelihood of
pastoralists. It emphasizes the expansion of infrastructure and of
social services coverage as well as undertaking large scale
irrigation and development projects.
The workshop provided a
forum for provincial administration officials from the different
areas of CEWARN’s operation as well as for representatives of CEWARN
local peace committees and civil society organizations to present
and discuss selected case-based experiences. The aim was to
strengthen the capacity of local-level peace actors and enhance the
effectiveness of their interventions. Numerous “best practices” in
local response strategies were also presented.
Ethiopia’s CEWERU
presented an account of the developments and “best practices” that
have brought about significant improvements in peace and security
along the Ethio-Kenya border areas. This included details of the
community-owned and government-backed peace processes in the border
areas of Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya, involving the removal
of anti-peace elements along the common border. These elements had
been identified by local communities as one of the most serious
obstacles to peace and stability in the area.
Given CEWARN continuing efforts to play an instrumental role in
supporting national and cross-border peace-building efforts, the
Ethiopian Government is, of course, continuing to support the CEWARN
mechanism, to ensure full implementation of the CEWARN Protocol.
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Gilgel Gibe III’s detractors continue
their campaign
Ethiopia sometimes
appears to be a magnet for criticism. It’s not just the
all-too-often occasions when self-styled human rights activists feel
like a bit of Ethiopia-bashing, but it even happens when it is
involved in highly productive development projects that will impact
positively on the lives of millions of people. The government’s
decision to lease out millions of hectares of inaccessible
uncultivated land to foreign investors is characterized as a
conspiracy against its own people; hydroelectric dams become attacks
on the traditional way of life.
The Gilgel Gibe III
hydroelectric dam, under construction on the Omo River, in south
west Ethiopia is apparently one such, and has been the target of
such an attack. Previously a series of documentaries aired on the
BBC and other international media outlets painted lurid tales of
potentially serious catastrophes in the making with claims that the
project threatened the environment as well as the livelihood and the
lives of local populations. The stories and the conclusions drawn
were alarmist at best and at worst were apparently aimed to scuttle
Ethiopia's development efforts. There were repeated references to
unnamed ‘experts in the field’ to try to lend scientific credibility
to the claim that the Gilgel Gibe III project lacked an appropriate
environmental assessment study or that the Economic Impact
Assessment Report by the Ethiopian Government was unacceptable. One
of the leaders of the campaign in Kenya, Mr. Richard Leakey, even
brought together a group of experts calling itself the African
Resources Working Group (ARWG) to produce a hastily prepared report.
The group wasn’t even prepared to disclose names: “because of the
political sensitivities involved in conducting professional work
within the region, members of ARWG have chosen to withhold their
identities". The campaign went some way towards dissuading
potential financiers from commitment to the project, but despite the
concerted campaign the project went ahead as scheduled.
Now, another attempt is
being made by the so-called ‘Friends of Lake Turkana’ and
International Rivers. Conspicuously missing this time is the AWRG
and Mr. Leaky, though there is every reason to believe that the
‘Friends of Lake Turkana’ is to all intents and purposes, the
handiwork of Mr. Leakey. This latest chapter in the anti-Gilgel Gibe
III saga began with a demonstration in Nairobi organized by the
‘Friends of Lake Turkana’. The usual allegations, that that the dam
was a conspiracy against Lake Turkana and its fishing community, was
highlighted to show how destructive the dam was. According to
representatives of the demonstrators, “if built, the dam would
destroy the fragile ecosystems of the Lower Omo Valley” and the Lake
Turkana region. The demonstrators added that “all government
agencies, banks and companies must respect and uphold basic human
rights and environmental standards in the projects they pursue.”
They referred to the project changing “the traditional ways of life”
of local communities” within Ethiopia. Wolfgang Thome of
International Rivers even went so far as to warn the Ethiopian
government that going ahead with the Gibe III project would risk
creating “further hotspots of discontent to those they already
have”, a not too-subtle threat about what the campaigners might be
prepared to do if their campaign falls through.
Ethiopia, in fact, has a
government that takes its obligations to its peoples very seriously.
It is a government that is prepared to do anything to see that the
socio-economic problems that have beset its peoples for centuries
should be addressed, and in rapid and sustainable manner. For
projects such as Gilgel Gibe III, the only consideration is not the
generation of income or of power. Even more important is the
potential impact on the environment and on the people of the area.
The Ethiopian Government considers these aspects, not because it has
to adhere to some ecological or scientific fad, but because it takes
the protection of the environment very seriously. In this particular
case, what is under construction is not just a diversion of the
river, or an irrigation project. As Prime Minister Meles defined it,
apart from the potential of the project in terms of generating power
and foreign currency, "it [also] enables us to store water and
regulate the flooding downstream in the Omo River."
The government of
Ethiopia and the government of Kenya have consistently been open and
forthright about the environmental implications of the project.
There has been no significant difference over the anticipated
usefulness of the project. In fact, what appears to have irked the
lobbyists behind this campaign is that the government of Kenya is
fully on board not because it is involved in a conspiracy with the
Ethiopian government as the campaigners suggest, but because the
project has far-reaching significance for the two countries’ efforts
to produce economic development for their peoples. As one Kenyan
minister aptly put it, “Gilgel Gibe will brighten, not threaten” the
future of the two countries.
The latest article by the International Rivers group actually
suggests what the real motives behind the campaign might be. It
claims that environmentalists and conservationists alike have
criticised the plan: “the Turkana area is also home to
archaeological digs undertaken by the Leakey family with finds of
early mankind”. Similarly, it points out that not only will some
local communities within Ethiopia be displaced,
but
their “the traditional way of life” will also be taken away. This is
apparently the real problem – the traditional way of life will be
destroyed. In fact, whatever benefits the project might have, it
should not be allowed to change the life styles of the people in the
region. Or to put it another way perhaps, those people living so
precariously on the edge should continue to do so, in order that
‘scholars’ with an interest in exotic cultures can continue to write
their esoteric studies. Nothing, in fact, could be more insulting to
the people in whose name this campaign is being waged. It would be
overly cynical to suggest that this is all there is to the campaign,
and the fact that coverage of the recent demonstration in Nairobi
was decidedly ideological might even suggest more sinister motives
at work. The one thing that is certain, however, is that the
campaign has nothing to do with the interests of the peoples living
in the Omo valley or around Lake Turkana, or indeed of the peoples
of Ethiopia and Kenya more generally.
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Core Principles of Ethiopian Foreign
Policy: Ethio-UN relations
Ethiopia is a founding
member of numerous international organizations which formulate laws
that affect inter-state relations and serve as forums to oversee
respect for the rules which govern international engagement. As
clearly stated in its Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy
and Strategy document, it is the conviction of the Ethiopian
government that international organizations play an irreplaceable
role in ensuring peace and the primacy of international law as well
as in strengthening cooperation between countries. It is these same
organizations that have also provided the forums in which Ethiopia
has been playing by the rules in the present globalized world. This
is where Ethiopia, along with other countries in similar conditions,
takes into account the rules of the international game as well as
the interests of others.
Ethiopia’s role in, and
cooperation with, the United Nations is one pre-eminent element of
the country’s engagement with international organizations. Ethiopia
is one of the only two African founding members of the United
Nations Organization set up following the end of the Second World
War; the other being Liberia. And ever since the creation of the UN,
Ethiopia has been committed to the organization. The principle of
collective security at the heart of the UN charter has particular
significance for Ethiopia as this was seen as an improvement on the
failed attempts of the League of Nations to bring world peace. The
League of Nations of which Ethiopia was also a member was of course
the organization that preceded the UN, and history remembers the
failure of the League of Nations to live up to its obligations when
Ethiopia was attacked by fascist Italy in the run up to the Second
World War. Emperor Haile Selassie’s famous speech admonishing the
League for its failure to assist Ethiopia was later to haunt many in
the international community. This indeed was one of the major
reasons behind the adoption of collective security and the
cooperation that formed the basis of the UN charter.
Ethiopia is not only a
founding member of the UN, it is also a signatory of and a party to
numerous declarations, conventions and protocols produced under the
auspices of the United Nations. It has consistently discharged its
obligations to these and to the UN Charter. One area which has seen
notable Ethiopian involvement and cooperation with the UN has been
participation in UN-led operations to ensure collective security as
well as peacekeeping operations under varying mandates. Ethiopia’s
first significant participation came in early 1950 with the Korean
War during which an Ethiopian army contingent, the Kagnew Shaleqa,
played a heroic role under UN command, winning great praise and
honour. The professionalism and gallantry with which the Ethiopian
forces discharged their mission during the war left a lasting legacy
for the country’s relations with the peoples of Korea and it has
been the source of pride for its own people.
Ethiopia’s participation
in the Korean War was borne out of its commitment to the principle
of collective security enshrined in the UN Charter. In similar vein,
Ethiopia also participated in the UN mission to Congo in the 1960s
where Ethiopian forces displayed a similar level of professionalism
and commitment to the UN cause. The role the Ethiopian forces played
in Congo was even more important than in Korea, as it gave the
people of Congo a measure of confidence in the UN with the forces of
a fellow African country playing a peacekeeping role for their
protection and care. Indeed, with so many African countries still
trying to escape from the yoke of colonialism at that time, the
existence of an African contingent in a UN operation in an African
country was a source of pride in its own right.
Continuing in the same
tradition of African solidarity, professionalism and decency,
Ethiopia was one of the first countries to respond positively to the
UN’s call for peacekeeping forces in Rwanda following the 1994
genocide. Its forces played an exemplary role there in helping the
people and government of Rwanda in their efforts to ensure peace and
stability and to rebuild their country after the devastating civil
war which saw the death of millions of Rwandans in a span of only a
few weeks. Ethiopian forces in addition to their traditional
commitment to the principles of the UN Charter displayed a genuine
camaraderie and friendship with the peoples of Rwanda earning them
deep respect from the peoples and government of Rwanda. This
commitment to UN principles and African solidarity was repeated
during similar operations in Burundi and the ongoing peacekeeping
operation in Liberia and Darfur.
These aren’t in fact the
only areas in which Ethiopia cooperates with the UN on security
issues. Ethiopia is actively working with the UN and the AU and IGAD
on a range of conflict situations in Africa. Somalia is a case in
point. Similarly, Ethiopia has also been working closely with the UN
to help ensure that referendum and post-referendum issues in the
Sudan work out in a manner to provide for lasting peace in the
region. Ethiopia also continues to cooperate with UN concerns over
the regional destabilizing activities of the government of Eritrea.
Cooperation in all these areas will continue as long as there is any
need to act together on these issues.
Ethiopia cooperates with
the UN on other matters as well. The UN and its specialized
agencies, and institutions such as the UNDP, provide important
assistance to Ethiopia’s development. The presence in Ethiopia of
the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa as well as other
UN institutions facilitates interaction and cooperation between the
government and the UN. The UN is Ethiopia’s partner in its campaigns
against AIDS and malaria as well as in its efforts to achieve food
security. Another area in which the two work closely together is
climate change. The government of Ethiopia is keenly aware of the
devastating effects of climate change and of the pivotal role the UN
could play in creating a common platform through which an
internationally accepted and legally binding agreement can be
reached by the countries of the world. The role Prime Minister Meles
has been playing, and continues to play in this regard, in
cooperation with UN authorities is exemplary.
Ethiopia has a lot to
gain by its cooperation with the UN and indeed it has already gained
a significant amount. But Ethiopia also believes there are a number
of areas in which reform is required to further invigorate the UN’s
role in addressing challenges in world security, climate change and
the economic problems that face all humanity. Indeed, Ethiopia
believes that the voice of Africa in the UN and its institutions
such as the Security Council deserves to be heard more prominently.
It has accordingly been strongly supportive of a permanent seat for
Africa in the UN Security Council. As the only supra-national
organization enjoying the membership of virtually the entire world,
the United Nations is far better placed than any other body to
effectively address the challenges that face humanity today.
Ethiopia firmly supports the belief that the UN will be able to
organize itself for the serious and complicated tasks that lie ahead
of us all. That is why Ethiopia will continue to strengthen its
cooperation with the UN and with its specialized agencies, to help
to speed up development, to protect its national security, and to
work for peace and respect for international law in the Horn of
Africa and globally.
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