“America will not be a good place to live until it is a good place to live for all of us”: Richard Nixon, Former President of the United States of America”
The issue of federalism from Somali Perspective
M. Omar (12/20/09)
Do we want Ethiopia to be a good place to live for some of us or we want Ethiopia to be a good place to live for all of its citizens. This is the central argument of the Ruling EPRDF and its Federal Project
In 1991, following the collapse of military rule, Ethiopia established a federal system creating largely ethnic-based territorial units, this proposition emerged out of the perception that most ethnic conflicts grow out of the dissatisfaction where minority views itself as having been subject to varying degrees of repression under the then system. That was the character of the Somalis in the preceding three decades for example, before Ethiopia embarked on this novel political project that divided the country into nine Regional States by giving ethnic groups some control over their traditional territories. From this point forward, most Somalis that stood against the Ethiopian state had a little reason to want to continue fighting. Furthermore, this becomes more apparent, when ten thousand Somalis from Somali Region joined voluntarily to the military to defend the Eritrean aggression in 1998 – 2000.
Federal system is indeed a mechanism to achieve ethnic and regional autonomy while maintaining the state as a political unit. The initial process of federalism lasted four years, and was formalized in a new constitution in 1995. Opposion groups propagate that this system will invite ethnic conflict and risks state disintegration. Some even described that Ethiopian state will disintegrate as that of the USSR and Yugoslavia. They do not understand or perhaps they do but they don’t like it that Ethiopia’s States that make up the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia were created by a constitutional means and not by a military one. The federal structure of the government is enshrined in the 1995 constitution which stipulates that the regional levels of government are to hold significant autonomy in administrative, political, and fiscal or economic decentralization. Following the decentralization, each region has structurally composed of a regional council, representing each wereda elected. Administrative functions are executed by regional bureaus, further structured a sector basis. The structure is further enshrined to wereda level with devolution of power structure and further to Keble or village level. Its creation facilitated a stronger voice for the articulation of minority rights in Ethiopian politics as individuals from these states often repeatedly share their feelings. They will eternally remain grateful to those who fought for the creation of such states. This was the primary drive behind the formation of the Federal State in Ethiopia in 1995. Some claim federalisms were created not simply for that central principle, and that is a gross oversimplification. They will need to visit Gambela and Jijiga both having Universities and other higher educational institutions for the first time. Decentralization of service delivery in such efficient manner would not have happen had it not been the federal system.
Many international institutions that supported Ethiopia has endorsed the proposition that Ethiopia is strong and stable today than it was before the introduction of the Federal system. The significantly service delivery improvement including the pastoralists who traditionally have the lowest school enrollment in the country is a clear manifestation. No one will disagree about the service delivery improvement throughout the country including the oppositions during the last two decades than any other time. Constitution is slowly but steadily maturing. This, most recent elections, has vindicated the government’s efforts during the past decade to ensure Ethiopia succeeds in the 21st century.
The constitution of 1995 was not only an opportunity to end all major ongoing conflicts in the country but to embark on the difficult task of re-building the political fabric of the country and caution that chauvinist groups not to reverse the course of history by erasing “Federalisms” in Ethiopia through the re-imposition of the old imperial identity. Such an attempt will trigger a new wave of violence as communities will resist their re-colonization. This illusion, even though it will never transpire, will merely relocate the conflicts and groups will resume rebellion against the state as we have witnessed prior to 1991. Ethiopian Federal system has without ambiguity brought advantages in terms of decentralization and local ownership of government for the first time. States were given wide-ranging political and administrative powers, including the power to ‘determine their respective working languages’. So, for example, Oromia State, or Somali state or Tigrai state uses its own languages for educational and administrative functions. Other states have also adopted a similar policy to a varying degree.
Despite all the misinformation proliferated by minority anti decentralization The Ethiopian federal structure has considerably empowered millions of hitherto marginalized/oppressed ethnic groups, the decentralization ended up giving communities a considerable voice in decision making. Particular emphasis were given to women at the local level where attempts to expand women’s access and advancement in the political system have been maximized.
Public perception regarding the relevance of the federal system in all of the regional states is very positive. Citizens have seen concrete benefits from the decentralization – owing to the EPRDF and its excellent leadership.
There is a real need, therefore, to further cement that progress and further promote culture of democratic governance in Ethiopia