A Commentary on the Ethiopia-Sudan Border Issue

 

 

As far as democracy and civic responsibility is concerned, the Diaspora petition on the Ethiopia-Sudan border issue is a legitimate action, although the petition document could have used a language that is more diplomatic. However, the petition has been taken up by “nothing-to-do” Diaspora opposition groups and this perhaps making it appear if it had been prepared for political consumption in the first place. I tend to think that an independent group prepared the petition. Nonetheless, if Diaspora opposition groups are thinking about political leverage out of this petition, perhaps they shouldn’t waste their time and resources. Gondar ain’t your mama’s fool no more.

 

There is one thing that we can all agree on. This is that the Ethiopia-Sudan border areas have remained in a state of turmoil for decades: refugees movements; flow in and out of contra band goods; movements of armed groups; a network of thieves stretching as far as Bahir Dar (to steal and transport cattle to Sudan); cutting trees (mainly by Sudanese); and so on. The main victims are nomads, called ruthanas, who graze their cattle along the undefended border. Continuously harassed by armed groups, these nomads would retreated deep into the Sudanese heartland. It was therefore essential that governmental bodies continue to work on border security, economic development and, more importantly, address Sudan’s land claim.

 

Turning to the Sudanese land claim (the source of current controversy), to my knowledge, the contested areas lie behind (the Sudanese side) of the so-called Gwen line or the border presumably demarcated by a British colonial officer, with both Sudanese and Ethiopians claiming ownership. In my own version of things, the Sudanese want to stick to the Gwen line, while the Ethiopians say that they “don’t know” where the Gwen line is and they aren’t even sure if it is correct. Legal experts always find it difficult to deal with international border issues, in large part because they were created during colonialism and have no logic. It becomes more difficult in our situation here where we have so far found no credible source to verify what was negotiated except information from the Sudanese media indicating that Sudanese farmers would get their land back. We need to find out the basis on which this decision was made before rushing to accuse the EPRDF government of giving up land to Sudan. No government gives up its territory unless there are circumstances beyond its control, such as a lack of capacity to defend it.

 

In terms of strategic thinking, it is important to recognize the importance of peaceful co-existence between the peoples of Ethiopia and Sudan. Previously these neighbouring countries pursued destructive foreign policies towards each other, by hosting and encouraging proxy wars from their soils. Today they seriously talk about commercial and cultural relations. Ethiopian farmers are benefiting from new market opportunities in Sudan, which also helps to earn hard currency needed to pay for imports. Aggressive diplomacy and war mongering jeopardizes this relationship.  I believe it was the then German Chancellor Helmut Kohl who reassured his neighbouring countries, after the collapse of the Berlin Wall, that Germany would not seek to regain territories lost during the Second World War. Why would the Germans want to get in conflict with their neighbours while market forces drew European nations ever together, resulting in the creation of a common European citizenship? Smart diplomacy! Yet, again, should the Sudanese try to take advantage of their good relations with Ethiopia (and their newly acquired oil power) to pursue an agenda of aggressive land claims, then they should be told not to push their luck too much. 

 

The other issue is openness and transparency. The Ethiopian government has not kept Ethiopians informed, compared to the Sudanese government, as we saw in the Sudanese media. Is the story about the burning of farms and arrest of Ethiopians farmers true? Did Ethiopian federal and regional authorities keep silent knowing that this has happened? If these stories are true, then we all will be thrown into a suspicion that there is something fishy, something that is not right in the handling of this border issue. We want the Ethiopian Foreign Ministry to fully explain what exactly has happened in Gondar-Sudan border areas.

 

Finally, those Diaspora petitioners could move forward with this issue by reaching out and dialoguing with Sudanese and Ethiopian decision-makers. Otherwise their effort will end up achieving nothing more than the arousal of political interest in the Diaspora, temporarily.

 

 

Getachew Mequanent

Ottawa, Canada

May 2008